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FRIDAY, May 22, 2015 (HealthDay News) -- The number of infants born to American mothers addicted to prescription pain medications is rising, and so are the costs of treating those babies, researchers report.

The new research supports recent recommendations to screen or test pregnant women for substance abuse, according to the study's authors.

Done over three years at one U.S. hospital, the study included 40 painkiller-exposed newborns in the first year, 57 in the second year, and 63 in the third year. Researchers determined that 50 percent to 60 percent of the babies developed neonatal abstinence syndrome (NAS), which includes withdrawal symptoms and complications.

These infants remained in the hospital after birth for an average of 23 days. A healthy drug-free newborn usually only stays in the hospital for one or two days. The average stay for painkiller-exposed newborns without NAS was five days, the study found.

"At our institution, costs associated with treating infants with NAS are exponentially higher than the costs associated with infants not affected," wrote Dr. Kay Roussos-Ross, an assistant professor of obstetrics and gynecology, and colleagues from the University of Florida College of Medicine.

In the study, the cost of treatment for newborns with NAS rose from $1.1 million in the first year to $1.5 million in the second year. In the third year, costs increased to $1.8 million. Compared to healthy newborns, costs to treat babies with NAS were 15 to 16 times higher, according to the study.

The findings add to previous studies that found high costs for treating babies born to women addicted to painkillers. Most of the treatment is paid for by state Medicaid programs.

A number of major medical groups have called for universal drug screening during pregnancy, but it is not yet standard practice, the study authors noted.

The findings were published recently in the Journal of Addiction Medicine.

-- Robert PreidtMedicalNews
Copyright © 2015 HealthDay. All rights reserved.SOURCE: Journal of Addiction Medicine, news release, May 19, 2015

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Researchers suggest that women in certain countries who experience single motherhood between the ages of 16 and 49 may face an increased risk of disability and poor health in later life.
The study found that 1 in 3 women surveyed from the US had been a single mother before reaching the age of 50.

The study, published in the Journal of Epidemiology & Community Health, analyzed data from 15 different countries and found that the health risks appeared to be greatest for single mothers in the US, England, Denmark and Sweden.

According to the authors of the study, single motherhood is associated with an increased risk of multiple health problems, including adverse cardiovascular episodes, poor mental health and increased mortality.

While many studies have focused on the immediate associations between single motherhood and health, few have investigated how single motherhood during early and mid-adulthood impacts upon health in later life.

Additionally, very few studies have examined whether these associations between health and single motherhood are consistent across different countries. The authors were keen to address this issue on account of differences in how single motherhood is perceived across the world.

"Single motherhood is associated with poverty in most societies, but more so in the USA than in Europe," the authors explain. "This may lead to different mechanisms of selection into lone motherhood between countries. Particularly in Southern European countries, strong social and family networks may offset some negative effects of single motherhood."

For the study, the researchers analyzed data for 25,125 women aged over 50 who had participated in one of three nationally representative surveys. These were the Health and Retirement Study in the US, the English Longitudinal Study of Ageing in England and the Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in 13 other European countries.

Each participant was asked questions about their childbearing and marital status, along with questions about their capacity for routine daily activities such as maintaining personal hygiene, and instrumental daily activities such as driving. All participants were also asked to rate their own overall health.

Participants were identified as single mothers in any year when they had children under the age of 18 and were not married. All participants were asked to report all children's birth or adoption dates, as well as specify the beginning and ending dates of any marriages.

Study findings may indicate 'cycles of disadvantage'

The researchers found that 1 in 3 women from the US surveyed had been a single mother before the age of 50. In comparison, around 1 in 5 women surveyed in England and West European countries, around 4 out of 10 surveyed in Denmark and Sweden and around 1 in 10 women in Southern Europe reported having been a single mother.

In every country, single mothers were frequently younger, had less money and were less likely to marry than women who remained married during motherhood. On average, single mothers from the US and England also had lower levels of education.

Women who had been single mothers for any period were more at risk of physical disability and poor health in later life in comparison with women who had raised children with a partner. This association was greatest among single mothers in the US, England, Denmark and Sweden.

The following women were at particular risk according to the study's findings:

Those who became single mothers before the age of 20Those who became single mothers through divorceThose who were single mothers for 8 or more yearsThose who raised two or more children.

According to the researchers, their findings could indicate selection and causation in "cycles of disadvantage." For example, the risk of single motherhood is increased by poverty, which may reflect previous health disadvantages.

"Being a lone mother may hamper women's abilities to gain education, accrue careers and accumulate income, also leading to poorer health," the authors add.

The existence of strong social support in certain countries may explain why the associations were not as strong in some geographic regions. The authors state that in regions such as Southern Europe, the cultural emphasis placed on family solidarity means that single motherhood is not associated with any increased health risks.

"Findings add to the growing recognition that single motherhood may have long-term health effects on mothers," conclude the authors.

"As prevalence of single motherhood is on the rise across the developed world, social policies that protect women in vulnerable family situations may help improve population health and reduce health disparities as women age."

Written by James McIntosh

University of Utah anthropologist Karen Kramer explores the moment when ancient societies adopted the practice of 'taking a village to raise a child' in research published in the Journal of Human Evolution


Karen Kramer, an associate professor of anthropology, published a study in the Journal of Human Evolution titled, 'When Mothers Need Others: Life History Transitions Associated with the Evolution of Cooperative Breeding.' Her research examines how mothers underwent a remarkable transition from the past -- when they had one dependent offspring at a time, ended support of their young at weaning and received no help from others -- to the present, when mothers often have multiple kids who help rear other children. In this photo, a Pumé hunter-gatherer woman both cares for her young child and cooks a meal for her older children. Kramer has worked with the Pumé in Venezuela since 2005.
Credit: Karen Kramer

Hillary Clinton once famously said, "It takes a village to raise a child." It turns out that's been true for centuries: New research by a University of Utah anthropologist explains how and why mothers in ancient societies formed cooperative groups to help raise their children. Karen Kramer, an associate professor of anthropology, published a study in the Journal of Human Evolution titled, "When Mothers Need Others: Life History Transitions Associated with the Evolution of Cooperative Breeding."

Her research examines how mothers underwent a remarkable transition from the past -- when they had one dependent offspring at a time, ended support of their young at weaning and received no help from others -- to the present, when mothers often have multiple kids who help rear other children. "We simulated an economic problem that would have arisen over the course of human evolution -- as mothers became more successful at producing children, they also had more dependents than they could care for on their own," said Kramer of her research.

"We found that early in that transition, it was a mother's older children who helped to raise her younger children and only with more modern life histories did mothers also need the cooperation of other adults. This suggests that early human families may have formed around cooperating groups of mothers and children."

Her findings are departure from earlier hypotheses by other anthropologists. Most hypotheses about who helped mothers in ancient societies point to other adults. Kramer's study, however, found that it is a mother's own children who were the most reliable as helpers.

Other key points in Kramer's study include:

Human motherhood has undergone a remarkable transition from a past when mothers likely nursed children until the age of 5 to 6, did not nutritionally support children after weaning, and received no help raising the children. Going back in time, it might be possible to find groups of mothers and cooperating siblings who helped to raise other children. As time progressed, mothers have relied on other adult relatives and fathers to help out. Mothers make tradeoffs. Do they take care of the children they already have, do they have another one, or do they do something else with their time? These same decisions that mothers made in the past are still being made today.

"Human mothers are interesting. They're unlike mothers of many other species because they feed their children after weaning and others help them raise their children. As an anthropologist, I live and work in traditional societies where, like other researchers, I have observed many times that it takes a village to raise a child. Not only do mothers work hard to care for their young, but so do her older children, grandmothers, fathers and other relatives. But this wasn't always the case," Kramer said.

"Deep in the past, mothers likely received no help and consequently had much lower rates of fertility and lost many children. So we have to ask, why do others cooperate with mothers and help them raise their children? This is an important question because you could do many other things with your time beside help someone else raise their children."Kramer's research methodology used a set of mathematical formulas, plugged different variables into them in order to simulate the evolution of families from the past to the present. She said there is still much to learn in the field of anthropology about how humans began to cooperate and how cooperation became more complex over time.

"Humans are extraordinary cooperators. However, most research has focused on adults and we know very little about how cooperation develops in children," Kramer said.

"We know that the psychological mechanisms that prepare us for a life of cooperation -- such as a sense of fairness and the ability to show empathy, share food and help each other -- begin to develop in very young children. What we need to explore is what children actually do -- how they cooperate and at what price -- in societies where they still play an important economic role."